Cradle of Civilization

A Blog about the Birth of Our Civilisation and Development

The fight we are going to win! – the fight between arta/asha (“genius” of “Truth” or “Righteousness”) and druj (“lie”)

Posted by Fredsvenn on December 6, 2014

“Most of all I love the Sun. To love the Sun is to love the world, the Earth and everything on it…”

Martiros Saryan

Cheney Revives Parvus `Permanent War’ Madness

Alexander Movsesi (Moiseevich) Atabekian (2 February 1868-4 December 1933) was a prominent ethnic Armenian anarchist, author and publisher of anarchist literature.

Born into an Armenian aristocratic (meliq) family of a doctor in Shusha, Atabekian initially studied in a college in his native town, and then at University of Geneva (1889 – 96) and at Lyon.

From 1888-1890, during his early years in Geneva, Atabekian participated in the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, contributing to the typesetting of its periodical Hinchak (Sound of the Bell), which was published by Avetis Nazarbekian.

He became an anarchist in 1890 through reading Words of a Rebel, a series of essays written by Peter Kropotkin in 1879 for the paper Le Revolt later collected for publication in 1885 by Elisee Reclus.

Thereafter he published Armenian and Russian translations of Kropotkin and other anarchist authors, and established relations with the militants and anarchists in the Armenian Revolutionary Federation.

He met Kropotkin with Bulgarian anarchist Paraskev Stoyanov in 1893. In 1894 he edited Hamaink, the only Armenian anarchist periodical, which ran for five issues.

Between 1896 and 1917 he worked as a doctor in Northern Persia; from 1914 to 1917 in the Imperial Russian Army. Upon the dissolution of the army following the Russian Civil War, he again met Kropotkin and became an active anarchist in Moscow after the February Revolution.

He served as the editor of the anarchist periodical Pocin from 1919–1923, representing the anarcho-cooperative trend in the libertarian movement.

However, another important person is Alexander Lvovich Parvus (Russian: Алекса́ндр Льво́вич Па́рвус), born Israel Lazarevich Gelfand (Russian: Изра́иль Ла́заревич Ге́льфанд) (1867-1924), a Marxist theoretician, revolutionary, and a controversial activist in the Social Democratic Party of Germany.

Gelfand chose not to pursue an academic career but rather sought to begin a political career which would both provide him financial support and serve the cause of socialism.

Alienated from the backwardness of agrarian Russia and the limited political horizons there, Gelfand moved to Germany, joined the Social Democratic Party and befriended German revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg.

In 1900, he met Vladimir Lenin for the first time, in Munich, each admiring the other’s theoretical works. Parvus encouraged Lenin to begin publishing his revolutionary paper Iskra.

Parvus’ attempts to become a German citizen proved fruitless. He once commented in a letter to his German friend Wilhelm Liebknecht that “I am seeking a government where one can inexpensively acquire a fatherland.”

However, German counter-intelligence had penetrated part of the socialist revolutionary network and upon reading his writing in the socialist press during the Russo-Japanese War, found Parvus had predicted that Russia would lose the war, resulting in unrest and revolution.

When this proved to be the case, Parvus’ prestige among his socialist and other German comrades increased. Thus, German intelligence soon estimated he would be useful in efforts against the Russian Empire.

During this time he developed the concept of using a foreign war to provoke an internal revolt within a country. It was at this time that Parvus revived, from Karl Marx, the concept-strategy of “permanent revolution”.

He communicated this philosophy to Trotsky who then further expanded and developed it. Through Trotsky, the method was eventually adopted by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks in Lenin’s April Theses in 1917.

Critics of neo-conservatism have charged that neo-conservatism is descended from Trotskyism, and that Trotskyist traits continue to characterize ideologies and practices of neo-conservatism. During the Reagan Administration, the charge was made that the foreign policy of the Reagan administration was being managed by Trotskyists.

It was never a secret that the ranks of today’s Washington neo-conservative war-party are filled with former first and second generation Trotskyists—personified by Irving Kristol, the former Shachtmanite Trotskyist, self-described “Godfather” of the entire neo-con apparatus, and the father of Weekly Standard editor William Kristol.

These people are still fanatically committed to the doctrine of “permanent revolution” and to the kind of permanent war which the US have created in Iraq and then Syria, and the preparation of war against Iran, and similarly in South America, and elsewhere as soon, and as often as possible.

Parvus moved to Istanbul in Turkey, where he lived for five years. There he set up an arms trading company which profited handsomely during the Balkan War. He became the financial and political advisor of the Young Turks.

In 1912 he was made editor of Turk Yurdu, their daily newspaper. He worked closely with the triumvirs known as the Three Pashas – Enver, Talat and Cemal – and Finance Minister Djavid Bey.

His firm dealt with the deliveries of foodstuffs for the Turkish army and he was a business partner of the Krupp concern, of Vickers Limited, and of the famous arms dealer Basil Zaharov.

Arms dealings with Vickers Limited at war time gave basis to the theory that Alexander Parvus was also a British intelligence asset.

While in Turkey, Parvus became close with German ambassador Hans Freiherr von Wangenheim who was known to be partial to establishing revolutionary fifth columns among the allies.

In 1914 the wave of deportations, executions, and genocide directed against the Armenian population started in Ottoman Empire. During the May and June 1915 major newspapers of the neutral nations (Switzerland, Denmark, United States) published numerous reports about these events.

The Ottoman government systematically exterminated its Armenian subjects from their historic homeland within the territory constituting the present-day Republic of Turkey. The starting date is conventionally held to be 24 April 1915, the day Ottoman authorities rounded up and arrested some hundreds of Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Constantinople.

Under mounting international pressure and in response to the accusations of German complicity on July 4, 1915, Wangenheim, issued his memorandum of protest stating German official position on the Armenian Genocide.

It began with expression of support for the Ottoman government security concerns: “The measures of repression by the Imperial Government [Young Turks] against the Armenian population of the eastern Anatolian provinces having been dictated by military considerations and constituting a legitimate means of defense, the German Government is far from opposing their execution inasmuch as these measures have objective of consolidating the internal security of Turkey and avoiding attempts at insurrections.”

Wangenheim then proceeds: “On the other hand, the German Government cannot disguise the dangers created by these rigorous measures and notably by the mass expatriations which include the guilty and the innocent indiscriminately, especially when these measures are accompanied by acts of violence, such as massacre and pillage.”

While von Wangenheim did not go further, his successor Ambassador Paul von Metternich reacted much more strongly. In August 1916, two top Young Turks leaders, İsmail Enver and Mehmed Talat Pasha, signed a memorandum demanding Ambassador Metternich’s recall citing his stance on the Armenian Question.

Consequently, Parvus offered his plan via Baron von Wangenheim to the German General Staff: the paralyzing of Russia via general strike, financed by the German government (which, at the time, was at war with Russia and its allies).

Von Wangenheim sent Parvus to Berlin where the latter arrived on the 6 March 1915 and presented a 20 page plan titled A preparation of massive political strikes in Russia to the German government.

Parvus’ detailed plan recommended the division of Russia by sponsoring the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, encouraging ethnic separatists in various Russian regions, and supporting various writers whose criticism of Tsarism continued during wartime.

Basing himself on his 1905 experiences, Parvus theorised that the division of Russia and its loss in the First World War was the best way to bring about a socialist revolution.

Parvus placed his bets on Lenin, as the latter was not only a radical but willing to accept the sponsorship of the Tsar’s wartime enemy, Germany. The two met in Bern in May 1915 and agreed to collaboration through their organizations, though Lenin remained very careful never to get associated with Parvus in public.

There is no certain proof that they ever met face to face again, although there are indications that such a meeting may well have occurred on April 13, 1917 during Lenin’s stop-over in Stockholm.

Parvus assiduously worked at keeping Lenin’s confidence, however Lenin kept him at arms length to disguise the changing roles of both men, Parvus involvement with German intelligence and his own liaisons with his old ally, who was not respected anymore among the socialists after his years in Turkey and after becoming a millionaire entrepreneur.

German intelligence set up Parvus’ financial network via offshore operations in Copenhagen, setting up relays for German money to get to Russia via fake financial transactions between front organizations.

A large part of the transactions of these companies were genuine, but those served to bury the transfer of money to the Bolsheviks, a strategy made feasible by the weak and overburdened fiscal and customs offices in Scandinavia, which were inadequate for the booming black market in these countries during the war.

However, setbacks occurred, as Yakov Ganetsky’s suspicious arms smuggling activities drew unwanted attention from the British Secret Intelligence Service who now traced Ganetsky to Parvus and hence to Baron von Wangenheim.

The Baron had long been under surveillance for his support of the Young Turks’ revolutionary actions against the British. As a result Ganetsky was forced out of Denmark, while attempts were made by the British and Russians to stamp out the Bolshevik’s financial network in Turkey.
Additionally, as Parvus’ relations with German intelligence became more and more clear the connections between Lenin and Parvus became increasingly strained. Losing the confidence and/or control of his agents, Parvus began looking for other avenues of operation.

Parvus’ reputation with the German ministry of foreign affairs came into question when in the winter of 1916 a Parvus planned financial catastrophe in St. Petersburg (akin to Parvus’ provocation against the Russian banks in 1905) failed to produce a massive uprising. As a result, financing for Parvus’ operations were frozen.

Parvus went for support to the German Navy, briefly working as their advisor. He managed to help prevent Russian naval Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak from taking on his offensive against the Turko-German Fleet in the Bosphorus and Dardanelles by planning the sabotage of a major Russian warship. This success gave him more credibility, once again, in the eyes of the Germans.

In March 1917, in a plan strategized together with Parvus, German intelligence sent Vladimir Lenin and a group of 30 of his revolutionary associates from Switzerland through Germany in a train car under supervision of Swiss socialist Fritz Platten.

As the depth of Parvus’ arrangements with the Imperial Government became known, the revelations ruined relations with the rest of the revolutionary network including Rosa Luxemburg and other German socialists who were engaging in the subversion of the German Empire.

Despite evidence showing that Parvus had never betrayed German socialists to the authorities, his credibility among the revolutionary elite went sour.

As his political activity waned, the war ground to a halt, and he refused to help the new German authorities smash the Spartacist uprising, he retreated to a German island near Berlin. Despite his failure to help the new Weimar Republic regime he was well provided for, living in a well-appointed 32-room mansion in Berlin’s Peacock Island. He later published his memoirs from this residence.

In the October Revolution (November in the Gregorian calendar), the Bolshevik party, led by Vladimir Lenin, and the workers’ Soviets, overthrew the Provisional Government in Petrograd.

The Bolsheviks appointed themselves as leaders of various government ministries and seized control of the countryside, establishing the Cheka to quash dissent.

To end Russia’s participation in the First World War, the Bolshevik leaders signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany in March 1918.

In November 1917, when the Bolsheviks gained the possession of the government, Kropotkin said «This will ruin the revolution» for the first time to his close friend Atabekian. Atabekian published articles in which he criticized social-revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, and opposed the October revolution.

In January 1921, Kropotkin who was lying in his house in Dimitrov, had Atabekian, his doctor and comrade, with him. Atabekian didn’t leave him alone until his last breath.

Deteriorating with each passing day, Kropotkin died in 13th of April 1921. The formal funeral ceremony of the Bolsheviks was rejected by his family. His funeral was organized by an anarchist committee including Atabekian. Kropotkin’s funeral became the last and greatest anarchist demonstration in Russia.

One month after the death of Kropotkin, Bolshevik dictatorship repressed the uprising of Kronstadt sailors cruelly. The Bolshevik government began its attack on Kronstadt on March 7. Some 60,000 troops under command of Mikhail Tukhachevsky took part in the attack. The workers of Petrograd were under martial law. Series of operations against anarchists were initiated throughout the whole Russia.

In 1939, Isaac Don Levine introduced Whittaker Chambers to Walter Krivitsky in New York City. First, Krivitsky asked, “Is the Soviet Government a fascist government?” to which Chambers assented, “You are right, and Kronstadt was the turning point.”

In the private penitentiaries of Cheka (Russian secret police organization) tens of anarchists were shot and executed. Hundreds of anarchists were imprisoned or exiled to Chechnya and Kyrgyzstan.

Alexander Atabekian took his share from the Bolshevik tyranny, too. He was arrested by Cheka in 1920 with the charge of opposition to the Act of Press. He was sentenced to six months in a concentration camp.

In 1921, when he was arrested again, he was sentenced to exile to Caucasia. With the intervention of Kropotkin’s family, the sentence was consolidated (Repression de I’anarchic en Russie sovietiste, Editions de la «Librairie Sociale» Paris).

What happened to Atabekian afterwards? A complete enigma. The sources in Amsterdam argue that he died in a Soviet concentration camp in 1940, while A.Burkov (from Yerevan) argues that he died in Moscow.

French sources allege that he was lost in exile. Another source, the author of «Anarchists in Russian Revolution», Paul Avrich asserts that Atabekian, like other Russian anarchists, was lost.

According to the Russian President Vladimir Putin at least 80 percent of the members of the first Soviet government were Jewish. He went on to say that the politicians on the predominantly Jewish Soviet government “were guided by false ideological considerations and supported the arrest and repression of Jews, Russian Orthodox Christians, Muslims and members of other faiths. They grouped everyone into the same category. Thankfully, those ideological goggles and faulty ideological perceptions collapsed.”

The thing is as that these people, or the decendants of these people, by blood or by ideology are still the leading forces in the Empire of the US, and that these people try to destroy or take controll over Europe by ravage the economies, assassinations and colour revolutions. They tried to ruin the Russian economy in the 1990s, but didn’t succeed, but they will try again.

Joint Vision 2020 was a document released on May 30, 2000, by the United States Department of Defense proclaiming the need for “full-spectrum dominance” on the battlefield. The Joint Vision 2020 concepts have subsequently formed the basis of United States military doctrine. The document envisages the military threats that might confront the United States in the year 2020 and possible responses to these threats.

These people, whom I call druj (lies), will try to get the controll over the world, but that will lead to disaster. They will, if they will win, set them self as Oligarcs and enslave the people. They have allready come quite far. This is why these people have to be stopped as fast as possible. People have allready lost their hope that things can be changed. We need to show them that it can

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